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Interim Transitional  National Council (ITNC)

05/03/2011 – 08/08/2012

photos of a meeting of the interim government in east Libya
A meeting of the newly formed Interim Council in Benghazi.


In its draft "vision" the self-appointed NTC condemned despotic regimes and called for Libya to "join the international community"; to build a state in which racism, discrimination and terrorism will be substituted with equality, justice, peace and freedom. Two years later, terrorism was established in Libya for the first time in history, while Libya itself was turned by the reckless actions of the UN into the world's largest weapons supermarket for world terrorists, dubbed  "Tesco" by the Sunday Times, and a "Jihadist Wonderland" by US Senator Rand Paul.


transitional national council website


Formation of  The NTC

The council was originally known as "The Libyan Interim National Council" (ntclibya.org/english/), before it was renamed "The Interim Transitional National Council (ITNC)", with the name of the country being: "The Libyan Republic", as shown in the above image from the council's website. Hence, European sources began quoting the organisation by the name of Transitional National Council or TNC. The name then was changed to the "National Transitional Council (NTC)", as it appeared in its second website: ntclibya.com/. Both websites are live as of February 2012.

The council was formed in Benghazi on the 27th of February 2011, but it was not officially declared established until the 05 March 2011. However, the founding "declaration" found in its original website (ntclibya.org/arabic/first-announcement/) is dated 02 March 2011. The link now redirects to the third website of the NTC: ntc.gov.ly/. The NTC pledged to lead the uprising for New Libya, or Free Libya, and oversee the transition period to an elected government after the liberation of Libya. The council was assembled mostly from self-appointed defectors and returned exiles, among other members whose identity were kept secret (reportedly for security reasons). The Chief of the NTC, Mustafa Abdul Jalil, was Gaddafi's justice minister until he defected to Benghazi. It was reported in Libya that Abdul Jalil said all Libyans who served Gaddafi's regime should be brought to answer questions regarding their previous deeds.


Recognition of The NTC

Most Libyans naturally declared their support for the interim organisation to lead the uprising, and in a space of weeks the organisation became the symbol of the struggle for freedom, equality and justice. The NTC quickly developed strong ties with their Western and Arab allies and began securing the international support it needed to legitimise the organisation, and to build the momentum required to "protect the Libyan civilians" by all necessary means.

France recognised the NTC with an amazing speed, while most countries were at first reluctant to (openly) express recognition of the self-appointed council including the USA and UK - probably for technical reasons, radical flicker, leading from behind, or sovereignty issues; but eventually they did, and were followed by more countries soon afterwards. Canada initially said Gaddafi's regime then still was the official government of Libya; while South Africa refused to recognise the NTC right to the end, when Gaddafi was officially declared dead.

The council was thus declared by outsiders the only legitimate representative of the Libyan people, without a referendum, without consultation with the Libyan people, and despite the stark warnings regarding the NTC showing signs of  "Qaida Flicker" and infiltration by radical rebels.

Shortly after installation, the NTC was the first to receive the blame for being "helpless" and "weak" against the (popularised) militias in the background, and thereby publicly weakening its authority, while concurrently making the militias appear more powerful. Having nothing else to accomplish, the helpless NTC begged the world to release the frozen funds, to commence rebuilding the mess, but their allies somehow feared the funds will fall into the hands of loyalists' ghosts at the CBL. The helpless NTC then urged people to respect the law they do not have (in the newly liberated and dilapidated state), infested with weapons and militias, infiltrated with sponsored radicals, plighted with cross-border contrabanda, and inflicted with chaos and tribal divisions - apparently in the name of "protection" and "humanitarian intervention" to effect a failed state in the name of "mistakes"!



One of the early speeches by the NTC Leader.


The Proposed Aim of The Transitional Council

From the Council's website (ntclibya.org/english/):

"The aim of the Transitional National Council is to steer Libya during the interim period that will come after its complete liberation and the destruction of Gaddafi’s oppressive regime. It will guide the country to free elections and the establishment of a constitution for Libya . . . The Council notes that it is the only legitimate body representing the people of Libya and the Libyan state and calls on all the countries of the world to recognise it and deal with it on the basis of international legitimacy. The Council also notes that it will honour* and respect* all international and regional agreements signed by the former Libyan government, emphasizing its aspirations in seeing Libya play a significant role in the establishing international peace and security."

*: Temehu's note: [seemingly everything else to do with Gaddafi and Libya will be destroyed, of course]!


The Transitional National Council says it was formed to

  • Ensure territorial security.
  • Organise the movement to liberate Libya from Gaddafi's rule.
  • Support local councils to restore normal life to the affected areas.
  • Oversee the creation of a constituent assembly to implement its goals.
  • Draft a new, just constitution to be put to a referendum.
  • Organise a democratic election after the liberation of the country.
  • Represent the February Uprising officially.
  • Create sub-committees to deal with the issues facing the people of Libya during the transitional period.



Mustafa Abdul Jalil speaks to Aljazeera as the head of the newly formed NTC.


The Websites of the Transitional National Council


transitional national council website



The first home page of the Interim Transitional National Council (ITNC).

(Please note that the site has disappeared after the NTC was dissolved. The current site access via the domain is not the same as the original site. The above link leads to the archived site at:



the new website of the T N C

The second home page of the National Transitional Council (NTC)

Please note that the site has disappeared after the NTC was dissolved. The above link leads to the archived site at: 

In 2008  ntclibya.com was the website of the Libyan National Conference for Traffic Accidents (المؤتمر الوطني لحوادث الطرق),
which can be accessed at: https://web.archive.org/web/20080914060853/http://www.ntclibya.com/





The third website of the NTC (appeared around the 23rd of February 2012).
The URL shows that this is the official government website, with the extension: gov.ly.
The website had disappeared in late 2015.




NTC's Youtube Channel

youtube.nocookie.com/NTC Libya
(The channel has also disappeared after the NTC was dissolved. One would think all the NTC's websites should be preserved for historical reasons, but unfortunately this was not the case.)



Founding Statement of the Interim Transitional National Council (TNC)

The founding statement was published by the website of the NTC at: (ntclibya.org/english/founding-statement-of-the-interim-transitional-national-council/). The founding statement was made on the 5th of March 2011 in Benghazi. The Council said it derived "its legitimacy from the city councils who run the liberated cities, and who had been formed by the revolution of the 17th February to fulfil the revolutionary gains in order to achieve their goals."  The Council also said that the most important role is "the one played by the youth".

At this historic meeting, the council requested from the international community:

"to fulfil its obligations to protect the Libyan people from any further genocide and crimes against humanity without any direct military intervention on Libya soil."


The Council was headed by Mr. Mustafa Abdul Jalil and the meeting was attended by:

  1. Mr. Othman Suleiman El-Megyrahi (Batnan Area)
  2. Mr. Ashour Hamed Bourashed (Darna City)
  3. Dr. Abdelallah Moussa El-myehoub (Qouba Area)
  4. Mr. Zubiar Ahmed El-Sharif (Representative of the political prisoners)
  5. Mr. Ahmed Abduraba Al-Abaar (Benghazi City)
  6. Dr. Fathi Mohamed Baja (Benghazi City)
  7. Mr. Abdelhafed Abdelkader Ghoga (Benghazi City)
  8. Mr. Fathi Tirbil and Dr. Salwa Fawzi El-Deghali (Representative of youth and women)




The Structure of the NTC (Or Its Replacement)

structure of the NTC

Please click here for a larger picture of the organisational structure of the NTC.

During the last few weeks of its life (before the elections), the NTC began adding the words "or its replacement" after the title "The National Transitional Council" in its published documents.








NTC logo

Declarations, Laws & Resolutions Issued By The NTC


new laws article 35

TNC's Article (35), Constitutional Declaration.

According to the NTC all the laws that do not contradict with the regulations of this declaration will remain effective and only the names will change.


"All the current provisions decreed in the existing legislations shall continue to be effective, in as much as they do not conflict with the provisions of this "declaration", until the announcement of new provisions to amend or repeal them. Each reference in these [old] provisions to the so-called "People's Congresses" or the "General People's Congress" shall be taken as a reference to the "Interim Transitional National Council"  or the "General National Council [Congress]"; each reference to the "General People's Committee" or the "People's Committees" is a reference to the "Executive Board" or to the members of the Executive Board or to the government or to the members of the government, each within his or her jurisdictional boundaries; and each reference to the (Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) shall be deemed as a reference to (Libya)."



NTC Laws, Declarations, Decisions & Press Releases


Constitutional Amendment 3/2012.


Law  37 (2012): Criminalising the glorification of Gaddafi, spreading rumours, and broadcasting news or press releases that aim to jeopardise the safety of military preparations during war, or harm the 17th of February "revolution", or insult Libya's integrity and its institutions or the Libyan people or Libya's emblem or its flag.


Law 7 (2012): Regarding the Libyan Secret Service.


Decree 17 (2012): naming the head of the intelligence and his deputies.


Law 28 (2012): Establishing The National High Commission For Election.


Election Law Project (un-numbered and undated law).


Law No. 4 (2012): Regarding electing the National General Congress.


Law 28 (2012): Amending Law No. 4 regarding electing the National General Congress.


Law 29 (2012): regarding political parties


Decree 42 (2012): regarding high committee for elections


Law 28 (2012): amending law 4 (2012): regarding electing the general congress


Law 3 (2012): establishing the national high commission for elections


Law 32 (2012): amending law 3 (2012): regarding the high commission for elections


Law 17 (2012): Establishing the principles of national, transitional reconciliation and justice.


Law-27 (2012): Amending Law 7 (of 2012)


Law 5 (2012): The National Holidays of Libya


Oil Revenues Transparency: NTC press release 03 NTC.


Press Release 13: obligations of the NTC.


NTC Law No. 18 - appointing head of financial auditing system.


NTC Law 20 - appointing president of oil and commerce administration.


Decree 177 (2011) : nationalism & honesty levels required for taking up government positions.


NTC Law 11 - marine seaports authority:  law for establishing a transitional marine authority for commercial seaports and oil terminals.


The full text of the NTC's Constitutional Declaration of the 3rd of August 2011, in Arabic.


Constitutional Amendment Number 1 (2012): Updating Article (30).


Declaration of Libya's Liberation: 23 October 2011.


NTC Press Release 02 (2012): refuting the claims regarding the "Benghazi Parliament".


NTC Law 12 - canceling peoples power.


Press Release 16: regarding the symbols of Gaddafi regime and his loyalists.


Press Release 05: NTC's landmines policy.


Manifesto Declaration 10.


Nafusa Press Release: money grant: 14 million dinars.


Press Release 15: Assassination of Abdelfattah Yunis.


NTC Law 128.


NTC Law 130.


NTC Law 137- High Court.


NTC Law 137.


NTC Law 146.


NTC Law 10.


NTC Law 119.


NTC Law 123.


NTC Law 125.


NTC Law 13.


NTC Law 131.


NTC Law 135.


NTC Law 136.


NTC Law 136.


NTC Law 14.


NTC Law 15.


NTC Law 16: Libyan Company Communications.


NTC Law 17: Internal And Foreign Security.


NTC Law 21: Kufra Administration.


NTC Law 26: Crisis Team.


NTC Law 34: Libyan Qatari Disaster Centre.


NTC Law 35: Surveillance Search Centre.


NTC Law 67: Renaming The Army.




NTC logo

National Transitional Council Members

Initially the NTC declared its legislative body was made of 31 members, but later its website showed 33 members. The identities of some members during the early months of the uprising were not published for safety reasons, since many of the areas were then still under Gaddafi's control. But as of today, January 2012, the English website of the NTC still lists only 13 members out of the declared 33 (ntclibya.com/InnerPage.aspx?SSID=7&ParentID=3&LangID=1); while in its Arabic website the published list contained 43 members, out of the 48 members who the NTC said last November had voted-in the new prime minister Abdurrahim el-Keib

Around the 23rd of February 2012 a third list appeared in the organisation's third website (ntc.gov.ly/NTCMembers.aspx), containing 76 members. The council is chaired by Mustafa Mohammed Abdul Jalil. The interim body will remain in place until democratic elections are held to establish an official government.


List (1)

T N C member

1. Mustafa Mohammad Abdul Jalil (Chairman)
Mr Abdul Jalil was born in the city of Bayda in 1952. He graduated from the department of Shari’a and Law in the Arabic Language and Islamic Studies faculty of The University of Libya in 1975. Mr. Abdul Jalil was appointed Assistant to the Secretary of the Public Prosecutor in the city of Al-Bayda, before he became a judge in 1978. In 2002, he was appointed President of the Court of Appeals, then President of the Court in Al Bayda, before becoming Gaddafi's Justice Minister in 2007.



2. Mr. Abdul Hafiz Ghoga (Vice-Chairman)
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Ghoga represents the city of Benghazi.
Resigned in January 2012 after the events in Benghazi in January 2012.



3. Mr. Fatih Turbel (Youth):
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Turbel represents the city of Benghazi.



4. Mr. Zubeir Ahmed el-Sharif (Political Prisoners)
As a member of the NTC, Mr. el-Sharif represents political prisoners.


omar alhariri T N C member

5. Mr. Omar Al-Hariri (Military Affairs)
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Al-Hariri represents the National Army.


fatih baja T N C member

6. Dr. Fatih Mohammed Baja (Political Affairs)
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Baja represents the city of Benghazi.


salwa fawzi T N C member

7. Dr. Salwa Fawzi el-Deghili (Legal Affairs and Women)
As a member of the NTC, Dr. el-Deghili represents the city of Benghazi.
Dr. el-Deghali has a PhD In constitutional law and previously taught at the Academy of Graduate Studies in Benghazi. She is responsible for Legal Affairs and heads the Legal Advisory Committee.


abdella mussa T N C member

8. Dr. Abdullah Moussa Al-Mayhoub
As a member of the NTC, Dr. Al-Mayhoub represents the city of Qubba.


T N C member ahmed abbar

9. Mr. M. Ahmed al-Abbar (Economics)
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Al- Abaar represents the city of Benghazi.


ashour bourashed T N C member

10. Mr. Ashour Bourashed
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Bourashed represents the city of Derna.


Uthman Megrahi T N C member

11. Mr. Uthman Suleiman Sad Ehbarah al-Megrahi
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Megrahi represents the city of Tobruk.


suleiman fortiya T N C member

12. Dr Suleiman Al-Fortiya
No photo given.
As a member of the NTC, Dr. Al-Fortiya represents the city of Misrata.


13. Mr. Mohamed Al-Muntasir
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Al-Muntasir represents the city of Misrata.



List (2)

The following list includes those members who were added later to the above list.


14. Ibrahim Yousef Khlifa Bengheshshir
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Bengheshshir represents the city of Misrata.

khaled assaeh T N C member

15. Khaled Emhammed Assaeh
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Assaeh represents the city of Benghazi.


intisar alaqili T N C member

16. Intisar Anbarek  Amrajea Alaqili
As a member of the NTC, Intisar Alaqili represents the city of Benghazi.


idris boufayed T N C member

17. Idris Mohammed Boufayed
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Boufayed represents the city of Gharyan.


mussa kouni T N C member

18. Mussa Alkouni Belkani
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Belkani represents the city of Ubari.

remmash T N C member

19. Imhemmed Mansour Arremmash
As a member of the NTC, Mr.  Arremmash represents the city of Sirte.

hasan sghir T N C member

20. Hasan Mohammad Assaghir
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Assaghir represents the city of Wadi Ashshati.


saad naser T N C member

21. Saad Mohammad Naser Abdul Jalil
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Abdul Jalil represents the city of Wadi Ashshati.


mustafa alhouni T N C member

22. Mustafa Alhouni
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Alhouni l represents the city of Aljofrah.


khaled nasrat

23. Khaled Emhammed Tawfiq Nasrat
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Nasrat represents the city of Zawya.


taher deyab T N C member

24. Taher Salem Dyab
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Dyab represents the city of Almerj.


lamin belhaj

25. Lamin Ahmed Lamin Belhaj
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Belhaj represents the city of Tripoli.


abdunnaser T N C member

26. Abdunnaser Said Salem Ben Remdan
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Ben Remdan represents the city of Tripoli.


ali shtewi T N C member

27. Ali Tawfiq Muftah Ashtewi
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Ashtewi represents the city of Tripoli.


abdullah banoun T N C member

28. Abdullah Zaki Abdullah Banoun
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Banoun represents the city of Tripoli.


milad salem T N C member

29. Dr. Milad Mohammad Salem Alaoud
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Alaoud represents the city of Tripoli.


abdunnaser ben nafea T N C member

30. Abdunnaser Bashir Ben Nafea
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Ben Nafea represents the city of Tripoli.


usama boukraza T N C member

31. Usama Mohammad Alhadi Boukraza
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Boukraza represents the city of Tripoli.


saleh darhoub T N C member

32. Saleh Saleh Ali Darhoub
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Darhoub represents the city of Tripoli.


mohammad alharizi T N C member

33. Mohammad  Naser Mabrouk Alharizi
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Alharizi represents the city of Tripoli.


abderrazeq madi T N C member

34. Abderrazeq Salem Mussa Madi
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Madi represents the city of Yefren.


ali ali T N C member

35. Ali Qalmah Ali
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Ali represents the city of Murzuq.


abdelhadi shawesh

36. Abdulhadi Mahmoud Shawesh
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Shawesh represents the city of Murzuq.


abdelmajis saifannaser

37. Abdulmajid Gheet Abdelmajid Saifannaser
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Saifannaser represents the city of Sabha.


hbeil douai

38. Hbeil Aribi Douai
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Douai represents the city of Jado.


faraj sheib

39. Faraj Mohammad Ali Sheib
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Sheib represents the city of Cyrene (Shahhat).


ali jwani T N C member

40. Ali Mohammad Ajwani
As a member of the NTC, Mr. Ajwani represents the city of Sabratha.

41. Emadeddin Nureddin Nasir, Zawya.

42. Ahmed Khayrallah Addayikh, Albayda.

43. Abdulqader Abdussalam Akmensar, Khoms.

44. Khaled Ahmed Shekshek, Zliten.

45. unnamed.







List (3)

Around the 23rd of February 2012 a third list appeared in the organisation's third website (ntc.gov.ly/NTCMembers.aspx).
This list contained 76 members:


  1. Mustafa Mohammed Fadil Abdul Jalil (Chairman; Albayda)
  2. Mansour Milad Younis (Gheryan)
  3. Ashour Hamad Bu Rashed (Darna)
  4. Salwa Fawzi el-Deghili (Benghazi)
  5. Ahmed Hassan Moftah Azwai (Kufra)
  6. Fathi Mohammed Bajah (Benghazi)
  7. Othman Suleiman Saaed Ahbarh Almgirhi (Tobruk)
  8. Intisar Mubarak Amrajaa Alaqeeli (Benghazi)
  9. Ahmad Alzubair Ahmed Alsharif Alsanusi (Benghazi)
  10. Omar Mohammed Hariri (Tobruk)
  11. Suleiman Mohammed Alfortiyah (Misrata)
  12. Mohammed Abdullatif Montasir (Misrata)
  13. Ahmad Abdriya Alabbar (Benghazi)
  14. Jamal Saleh Omar Issa (Kabaw)
  15. Abdullah Mohammed Kezima (Zawya)
  16. Moses Alkuni Blkani (Ubari)
  17. Ali Qalma Mohammed Ali (Murzuq)
  18. Imadaddin Noureddin Nsir (Zawya)
  19. Mustafa Assalhin Mohammed Alhouni (Jufrah)
  20. Ibrahim Yousef Khalifa Bingheshir (Misrata)
  21. Abdulbaset Abubakar Abdulsalam Naama (Tarhuna)
  22. Mohammad Alsoiei Sayeh Khalifa Allatif (Azizia)
  23. Farhat Hamid Shershari (Sorman)
  24. Mohammed Naser Mabrook Alharizi (Tripoli)
  25. Hassan Ali Alsaghir (Beach Valley)
  26. Alamin Ahmad Belhaj (Tripoli)
  27. Salem Masoud Kanan (Nalut)
  28. Ali Mohammed Ali Almanaa (Ghadames)
  29. Khaled Amhammed Tawfiq Nasrat (Zawya)
  30. Tahir Salem Diab (Merj)
  31. Mohammed Khalifa Salem Zinealabidin (location not shown in the list)
  32. Abdulhadi Mahmoud Shawish (Murzuq)
  33. Khaled Saleh Ramadan (Msellata)
  34. Alhasan Almasri Alfadil Almaghrbi (Ajdabiya)
  35. Abdulmajeed Ghaith Saifalnasr (Sabha)
  36. Ali Mohammed Ahmed Aljawani (Sabratha)
  37. Mansour Mohammed Kikhia (Benghazi)
  38. Almukhtar Saleh Mesbah Aljaddal (Ajeelat)
  39. Ali Altawfiq Moftah Alshtwi (Bengheshir, Tripoli)
  40. Saleh Abdulrahim Mohammed (Albayda)
  41. Faraj Mohammed Shoaib (Cyrene)
  42. Khalid Ahmad Mansour Shekshek (Zliten)
  43. Abdulqadir Abdulsalam Ahmed Almensaz (Khoms)
  44. Abdullah Zaki Banoun (طرابلس الوسط : Middle Tripoli)
  45. Abdulrazek Salem Musa Madi (Yefren)
  46. Mohammed Ahmed Mansour Alremmash (Sirte)
  47. Ahabayl Arbi Mohammed Duaai (Jado)
  48. Younis Ali Esaeed Alberghthi (Tokra)
  49. Abdulnnser Bashir Bennafia (Tripoli)
  50. Milad Mohammed Salem Alaoud (Garabolli)
  51. Ahmed Khairallah Mohammed Addayekh (Albayda)
  52. Abdulnnaser Saeed Salem Benremdan (Hai Alandulous, Tripoli)
  53. Osama Mohammed Alhadi Abukraza (Alswani, Tripoli)
  54. Saleh Saleh Derhob (Tripoli)
  55. Abdulbaset Mesbah Abadi (Tripoli)
  56. Khalid Amhammed Alsaeh Ibrahim (Benghazi)
  57. Mohammed Almabrouk Omar Abuzeid (Gheryan)
  58. Sadek Hussein Abdulsalam Ghaith (Khoms)
  59. Mohammed Othman Ali Ashnaf (Sabha)
  60. Abdulghanie Ahmed Alftiesi (Zliten)
  61. Abulqasim Abdulrazzek Abdulsalam Alarbi (Unari)
  62. Mohammed Alnaas Tahir (Sabha)
  63. Ibrahim Abdulsalam Hamed Alasmer (Sabha)
  64. Saifannasr Abdulsalam Belhasan Mahjoub (Tazerbu)
  65. Hassan Musa Mohammed Hassan (Ajdabiya)
  66. Saaed Mohammed Nasr (Alshathi)
  67. Abdulrazzek Mukhtar Ahmed Abdulqader (Tajoura, Tripoli)
  68. Omar Mohammed Abuzeid (Rujban)
  69. Embarek Rhil Dou Said (Sirte)
  70. Reyad Sultan Ahmed Abushwashi (Zuwarah)
  71. Mohammed Ramadan Sidi Omar (Ghat)
  72. Mohammed Ali Almahdi Alsharif (Jufrah)
  73. Khalifa Abulqasim Kaaal (Ejmeil)
  74. Fathi Hamad Khalifa Abuzwidah (Alabyar)
  75. Abdulrazzek Abdulsalam Alaradi (Tripoli)
  76. Mustafa Essa Lendi (Kufra)




List (4):

On the 24th of June 2012 NTC's new spokesperson, Saleh Darhoub, has revealed a new list of NTC members. The list was dated to the 18 of June 2012 and contained 98 members, as shown in the following PDF download. The new list also lists the dates on which each member joined the council.

Download the full list of NTC Members






NTC logo

The Executive Board


The Executive Board, originally named The Crisis Committee (لجنة الأزمات), was established on the 5th of March 2011 to implement the decisions of the National Transitional Council. All its members were appointed by the NTC, based on their expertise. The Executive Board is responsible for guaranteeing the effective management of the various sectors of government until the forthcoming elections.


First Board

mahmoud jibril head of NTC's Executive Board

1. Dr. Mahmoud Jibril: Chairman & Head of International Affairs
In 2007 he was appointed in Libya as head of the National Economic Development Board for the promotion of liberalisation and privatisation policies. He left his position in 2010. He was involved in the “Libya Vision” project aiming at instituting democracy in Libya."


ali al-issawi T N C executive member

2. Vice-Chairman Dr. Ali al-Issawi


mohammad shammam T N C executive member

3. Media: Mahmoud Shammam


lawgali T N C executive member

4. Culture and Community: Atia Lawgali

5. Internal Affairs and Local Government: Ahmed Hussein Al-Darrat

6. Health: Dr. Naji Barakat

7. Justice and Human Rights: Mohammed al-Allagi

8. Social Welfare: Dr. Hania al-Gumati

9. Economics: Dr. Abdullah Shamia

10. Finance and Oil: Dr. Ali al-Tarhuni

11. Transportation and Communications: Dr. Anwar al-Faytouri

12. Environment: Abulgassim Nimr

13. Religious Affairs and Endowments: Abdulsalam al-Shikhy

14. Reconstruction and Infrastructure: Ahmed al-Jehani

15. Education: TBC.



08 August 2009

Libya's Transitional National Council has fired its executive board. This came after last week's assassination of its armed forces general Abdulfattah' Younis, and amidst growing fear of sleeper cells and other groups being among them. The TNC has asked Mahmoud Jabril to re-elect a new  council.


03 October 2011

The NTC named the new temporary government, but not with many changes:

  1. Mahmoud Jibril: remains in his position but also takes over as foreign minister.
  2. Ali al-Tarhouni: will continue acting as oil minister.
  3. Abdul-Rahman al-Keissah: the new minister for those who died and wounded.
  4. Hamza Abu Fas: will replace Sheik Salem al-Shikhy as the minister of religious affairs.
  5. Ahmed al Dharrat: the interim internal affairs minister.

However, the  temporary government announced by the former interim prime minister Mahmoud Jibril contained names previously associated with the Gaddafi regime, and as a result it had triggered the first ever protest against the NTC, when demonstrators from Misrata took to the streets and declared they will never be ruled again by anyone who served Gaddafi – not even with "one word". The government was sacked and a new one announced, with el-Keib as Prime Minister.


Current Board

31 October 2011

transitional prime minister el-Keib

Libya's New Interim Prime Minister

Abdul al-Rahim el-Keib has been elected Libya's interim Prime Minister, after wining 26 votes out of 48 votes. Abdul al-Rahim el-Keib is an electrical engineer at Tripoli University, who spent 25 years teaching at the University of Alabama, in the USA. Most reports say he was an academic man who had no links with politics. The Guardian said he funded Tripoli's resistance during the February Uprising.

New Interim Government

22 November 2011

A new cabinet line-up was announced by el-Keib on the 22nd of November 2011. The cabinet included two female ministers: Dr Fatimah al-Hamrush, Minister of Health, and Mrs Mabrukah Sharif Jibril, Minister for Social Affairs; and three women Deputy Ministers. The NTC members initially agreed to the list, but soon re-opened discussions regarding the list, stating that many areas were ignored while other areas were favoured because of certain events tied with those areas. Libyans were angered, especially the Berbers and the people of Cyrenaica and Fezzan for being marginalised; leading to more protests than the ones created by Jebril sacked government.


The Current Libyan Transitional Government

Prime Minister's Office (ديوان رئاسة الوزراء): pm.gov.ly/

Prime Minister: Abdurahim El-Keib
Deputy Prime Ministers: Mustafa Abushagur; Omar Abdallal Abdulkarim
Minister of Defence: Col. Osama Juwaili
Minister of Interior: Fawzi Abdula’ali
Minister of Foreign Affiars: Ashour Ben Khayil
Minister of Finance: Hasan Zaglam
Minister of Planning: Isa Tuwaijri
Minister of Trade and Commerce: Sharkasi
Minister of Oil: Ben Yizza
Minister of Religious Affairs: Hamza AbuFaris
Minister of the Martyrs: Ashraf bin Ismail
Minister of Social Affairs: Mabrouka Jibril
Minister of Education, Sulaiman Sahli
Minister of Work: Mustafa Rujbani
Minister of Justice: Khalifa Ashour
Minister of Health: Dr. Fatima Hamroush
Minister of Local Government: Mohammad Hadi Hashemi Harari
Minister of Housing: Ibrahim Eskutri
Minister of Housing: Ibrahim Alsagoatri
Minister of Telecome and Informatics: Anwar Fituri
Minister of Transportation: Yousef Wahashi
Minister of Agriculture: Abdul-Hamid Sulaiman Bufruja
Minister of Industry: Mahmoud Fetais
Minister of Scientific Research and Higher Education: Dr. Naeem Gheriany
Minister of Youth: Fathi Terbil
Minister of Culture and Civil Society: Abdul Rahman Habil
Minister of Electricity & Renewable Energy: Awadh Barasi
Minister of Investment: Ahmed Attiga





NTC logo

Local Councils (المجالس المحلية) & Conduct Councils ( المجالس التسيريية )


According to the governmental website of the NTC (ntc.gov.ly), the Local Councils (المجالس المحلية) in the liberated cities were created to fill the "political vacuum" left by the fall of the ousted regime, in coordination with the people of these cities to select their own representatives from those citizens renown for their good reputation. As of the 24th of February 2012, the NTC said in its website that it has approved 53 "local councils", distributed across Libya, and based on "population density" and "geographical area". The list published in its website contained 36 "local councils".

Those areas with less than the "required standard" will have a kind of "Conduct Council" (مجلس تسييري ), operating under the nearest Local Council. This, the NTC says, has created some issues early on because members of the conduct councils expressed their wish to declare alliance directly to and function under the authority of the NTC, and not via intermediary councils from other areas. This hurdle, it says, was eventually overcome.

The local councils were requested to apply for approval from the NTC, and provide the necessary documentation including a list of the selected members and a "meeting's proceeding" detailing the reached agreement. The application then will be forwarded to the NTC and to the "Local Councils Committee" for inspection and approval. If successful, an official letter from the National Transitional Council will be sent to the local council, informing its members of the official approval and the establishment of the council.

Conduct councils are approved via the local councils under which they operate, to distribute the local administrative boundaries (or constituencies) prepared by the National Transitional Council. The approved documentation will then be archived and kept updated with all the activities of the local council.



المجالس المحلية المعتمدة لدى المجلس الوطني الإنتقالي           

      NTC's Approved Local Councils

Local Council (LC) President
1 Tobruk Local Council Faraj Mohammed Yasin
2 Ghadames Local Council Abdulrahman Bahmi
3 Murzuq Local Council Mohammed Adam Mohammed
4 Qubba Local Council Naaim Hmed Atia
5 Cyrene Local Council Saleh Ali Abdullah
6 Bayda Local Council Alsanusai Alsifat
7 Merj Local Council Hassan Ahmed Saleh
8 Tokra Local Council Mohammed Belgasem Alaziz
9 Benghazi Local Council Abdulmonain Faraj Alwheishi
10 Ajdabiya Local Council Rajab Ahmed Alsanusi
11 Kufra Local Council Mohammed Hmed Bousnina
12 Alshati Local Council Ali Said Nasr
13 Tazerbu Local Council Salah Saad Abdullah Embarek
14 Misrata Local Council Khlifa Abdullah Azwawi
15 Zliten Local Council Abdulsalam Saleh Bohjer
16 Tarhouna Local Council Ali Mohammed Alnouri
17 Tripoli Local Council Abdulrazek Ahmed Bohjer
18 Sabratha Local Council Saad Karir Abulqasim
19 Serman Local Council Salaheddin Mohammed Almabrouk
20 Ajeelat Local Council Abbas Abdulhafid Almgeraen
21 Sabha Local Council Abdulrahman Mohammed Alsanusi
22 Msellata Local Council Alaabed Alhemmali Mohammed
23 Ubari Local Council Idris Mohammed Shalqem
24 Zuwarah Local Council Abubaker Ibrahim Attallou'
25 Ghat Local Council Nasr Yousef Mohammed
26 Zintan Local Council Altahir Omran Alturki
27 Jabal Baten Local Council Mohammed Abouajila Alkouni
28 Nalut Local Council Mohammed Alkhmaisi
29 Khoms Local Council Jamal Alamin Alnaaas
30 Sirte Local Council Mohammed Ali Keblan
31 Gheryan Local Council Ibrahim Ommar Alsaadi
32 Jado Local Council Salim Ahmed Albadrani
33 Yefren Local Council Salim Omar Thwawa
34 Aziziya Local Council Omran Bashir Almerghni
35 Ejmeil Local Council Fathi Ali Alhamrouni
36 Derna Local Council Mohammed Abdalhafid Almasori

Source of the Arabic list: ntc.gov.ly/LocalCouncel.aspx

(As of 24 February 2012)





NTC logo

Human Rights & Abuses In Transitional Libya




According to some western experts, democracy cannot be imposed on sovereign people "overnight", because it is the culture of these people that requires "democratisation" and not the installed armies that terrorise them in the background. A Tunisian analyst was recently reported to have said that delicious "degla" grows only in "certain soil"; without saying anything of knowingly transplanting degla in mud! "The assumption that a central government or a national army can be unloaded in kit form from the nose cone of a C-5 Galaxy, and stay long after the transporter has lumbered home, is an imperial conceit", the Guardian concedes.

People and leaders alike need to be educated about the "right way of history", about the painful consequences of "'inequality", about tolerance and peace, about respect of "sovereignty" and "human dignity", the respect of indigenous tribes, and about the true wisdom of science and the benefits of diligent dialogue before they can tell right from wrong. Unless these issues are resolved, wars will remain a lucrative aspect of human's alleged advanced culture. Can one see smoke without fire?

Wars have been around since the beginning, and so it follows whenever conflict erupts conflicting reports follow, the law disappears, unjust constitutional declarations appear, war crimes proliferate, human rights abuses flourish, looting bounces back without fear of retribution, archaeological robberies & vandalism thrive, chaos reigns, and audaciously the entire infrastructure of the country is often destroyed in the name of protection & change. The only way, it seems, to end human rights abuses is to banish "war" itself, before time blows back full circle to recycle the same so-old cycle!



Critical Summary of the Transitional National Council's Objectives

  • Ensure territorial security - [by leaving all Libya's borders open for criminal & radical cross-border activity].
  • Organise the movement to liberate Libya from Gaddafi's rule - [by grotesquely killing Gaddafi and leaving Libya unliberated].
  • Support local councils to restore normal life to the affected areas - [by not reporting the atrocities left to take place].
  • Oversee the creation of a constituent assembly to implement its goals - [by self-appointing more "helpless" members].
  • Draft a new, just constitution to be put to a referendum- [after imposing the Constitutional Declaration to deny the Berbers].
  • Organise a democratic election after the liberation of the country- [by barring Berber Constituent 8 from party-elections].
  • Represent the February Uprising officially - [by proposing to make polygamy easier and declare being "helpless"].
  • Create sub-committees to deal with the issues facing the people of Libya during the transitional period - [by effecting 374 political parties (or 'entities') while wars were still going on].



(1) The First Protests In New Libya

Enjoying the newly "granted" freedom of speech, the Libyans are now taking an active role in debating the current issues challenging the country. The following are some of the issues debated in today's Libya, which the NTC urgently needs to address, not "urge", and assure the Libyan people that not only they are aware of these deeply-troubling issues but also they are capable and ready to present the beneficial solutions to tackle them and restore tranquility to Libya, once more.

The failure of the first temporary government announced by the former rebel prime minister Mahmoud Jibril, which contained names previously associated with the ousted regime, had triggered the first ever protest against the NTC. The long overdue second cabinet line-up, announced on the 22nd of November 2011 by the transitional prime minister el-Keib, had created even more protests than the previous government sacked by the NTC. Peaceful protestors took to the streets across Libya, shouting: "down to the new government", "the banks are empty", and other similar revolutionary slogans that express anger more than anything else.



(2): The Government Criticising The Government

The transitional Prime Minister Abdurahim Elkeib had declared on Wednesday the 25th of April 2012 that the NTC is hindering his government’s efforts to hold elections on time, and that the NTC is running a "vicious media campaign" against his transitional government (pm.gov.ly/news/619.html). These are strong words to come from the transitional Prime Minister; but is it right for him to blame others for his government's failure to implement the law? Is it right for him to express this deep schism within the government when the Libyans are looking up to them to lead by example? Why cannot his government arrest whoever is attempting to obstruct the law including any member from the NTC? The Prime Minister had already answered "some" of these questions in the same statement he made at the above website, when he said:

"ولذا فإن الحكومة لن تتحمل هذه المسؤولية التاريخية وتبعاتها التي قد تنحرف بالثورة عن مسارها . . ."
: "Thus, the government shall not take this historic responsibility and what it entails, which may deviate the revolution from its path."


(3): NTC's Draconian Law:

On the 2nd of May 2012 the NTC was very happy to publish its Law 37 (of 2012), without any consultation with the Libyan people, and in doing so it brought the whole world against its new "draconian" measures to curb "free speech". Even though the law's title, namely "Criminalising The Glorification of The Tyrant", gives the impression that the law primarily deals with curbing the activities of Gaddafi's loyalists, the Articles within the law clearly undermine the presumably granted freedom. Introducing such measures to control the opposition during the transition sends the wrong message to the watching world.

Like many other laws and declarations passed by the NTC, one can only guess the strategy behind such 'controversial' decision. The clue however was 'spelt out' by the transitional prime minister el-Keib when he was reported to have informed his English allies in London (on the 25th of May 2012) that Law 37 and other such laws will "disappear" after the forthcoming national elections! Nuri al-Abbar, head of the election commission, told reporters that he blames nobody for the postponement of the elections because it was due to the fact that he wanted to make sure that voter registration had no links to Gaddafi (libya.tv/en/elections-postponed-until-july-7/).

However, "An NTC official told Amnesty International that the law aims to protect the sensibilities of victims of al-Gaddafi’s crimes, and to promote national reconciliation. Another official pointed out that the law was needed because some teachers continued to glorify al-Gaddafi’s rule in schools, threatening the “17 February Revolution” . . . Free speech must be guaranteed for all, not only supporters of the new government,” said Philip Luther."

There is no doubt that Gaddafi's officials and soldiers who committed crimes against the Libyan people need to be brought before Libyan law. But substituting one oppressive method with another makes Libyans appear detached from the reality of the democratic process when they are not, simply because such draconian measures were not passed by the Libyans themselves, but by others who appear to mis-represent them. This calls for all leaders to represent the aspirations of all the Libyan people and not misrepresent any of them in any way.

Hence, the President of the Libyan National Council for Civil Liberties & Human Rights, Mohammed Allagi (a former minister of justice), said law 37 constitutes a flagrant violation of human rights, a serious setback, and an obnoxious duplication of the past, if not worse. He also criticised Article 13 of Law 15 of 2012 in an article published by the website of the NTC itself, at:

And according to the LFJL, "through the unilateral enactment of such laws, in the absence of involvement or consultation with key stakeholders including civil society organisations representing various interests of the Libyan public, the NTC is seriously undermining its own legitimacy."

The Prime Minister's Office run an online referendum on the issue at its website (pm.gov.ly/poll/3-2012-05-03-21-51-34.html), to ask the Libyan people for their opinion (after the law was passed and not before, of course), in which so far 66% of Libyans voted against the draconian law, and 33% approved the oppressive move (out of a total of 105,000 votes). But the opinion of Ahmed Bin Musa is typically Libyan, when he wrote: " . . . مبروك .. أنت اول سجين سياسي في عصر ثورة 17 فبراير أبداً" :- "congratulations . . . you are the first ever political prisoner of the 17th of February revolution" [http://www.alwatan-libya.com/more-21694-22-طــــــز في المجلس .. أحمد بن موسى].

According to Amnesty International:

"The law prescribes prison sentences for spreading false rumours, propaganda or information with the aim of harming national defence or “terrorizing people” or “weakening citizens’ morale” during war time. Law 37 of 2012 imposes life imprisonment if such actions “harm the country” . . . Libyans took to the streets in February of last year and paid a heavy price to get rid of such repressive practices, not to see them reintroduced,” said Philip Luther, Amnesty International’s Director for the Middle East and North Africa."

[1] https://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/libya-ntc-must-not-curtail-freedom-expression-name-protecting-revolution-20/ (this URL became unavailable after a few years)
[2] https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2014/02/libya-three-years-gaddafi-era-laws-used-clamp-down-free-expression/ (alternative URL with similar content)


: Law 37 Overturned by Libya's Supreme Court:

On Thursday the 14th of June 2012, Libya's supreme judge, Kamal Bashir Dahan, scrapped Law 37 and announced in a brief hearing that the court has decided to accept the appeal of Law 37/2012 because it is unconstitutional under the NTC’s Constitutional Declaration of the 3rd of August 2011.



(4): Is it "interim" or "transitional" council

Most Libyans say the role of the council should have ended as soon as Libya was declared liberated (23 October 2011), and a new transitional government should have been elected to run the country before the final elections of an official government. They also said the "transitional" council should be elected from and by Libyans who had no ties with the ousted regime and who are well educated and have good experience and expertise. However, According to Reuters, "Interim government officials say it is impossible for them [to] sack hundreds of officials merely because they served under Gaddafi". Mustafa Abdul Jalil himself said during the war that he would resign as soon as Gaddafi's regime comes to an end, but then when he was asked after liberation why he did not fulfil his "promise", he was reported to have said that he was afraid the country will descend into chaos if he did. In reality many Libyans blame the NTC (among others) for the effected chaos, and for the lack of the army and the police force they should have organised. Maybe the leaders can help by explaining why the NTC  has become 'powerless', 'helpless' and 'weak' only after they stepped forward  to lead.



(5): Lack of Security

Many Libyans, especially women, say security during the war was fine. But after the NTC took over, that is after liberation was prematurely declared, armed gangs appeared everywhere, robbing, beating and kidnapping citizens including women, right in the open. Libyan families get stopped while in their family cars, ordered to step out, robbed in broad day light, and left on the road with nothing but tears in their eyes. According to a number of reports the recent clashes in Sabha, in which nearly 150 Libyans were killed and 475 were injured, were started after a dispute over a car. Some gangs desecrate holy sites, others rob businesses and shops, and some kill on the spot. Rape was also reported from various areas, and it was used as a weapon to spread "hatred" and "revenge" during and after the war. No one really knows who these gangs are, or even where they come from.

Why were these criminal gangs allowed to conduct their business in the open and spread terror in a civil society that never saw such crimes before?  Are they intent to fail the revolution? If so, why cannot the government do something about them? Why cannot the government do its job and protect the civilians by "all necessary measures"? Many Libyans say if the NTC cannot do its job, which the NTC openly admits, then they need to seek assistance from the Libyan people they claim to represent, or else go.

The reason for this, the Libyans say, is that the NTC had allowed members from Gaddafi's government to occupy places in the current interim government, and that Gaddafi's loyalists will not rest until they see the failure of the revolution. The NTC has responded by saying those loyalists who are found to be involved with corruption will be removed, but they cannot remove hundreds of Gaddafi's officials who were not implicated in "corruption". Well, at least this is the first official admittance that "hundreds" of Gaddafi's officials still are in the present government.

In a recent announcement in its website, the National Transitional Council said that in response to a number of complaints they received from a number of towns regarding some General Assembly candidates being Gaddafi's officials (who were either members of the previous regime or the "revolutionary committees"), they advised the public to send complaints to the representative of the High Court (found in each court), or else email the complaints to the email given below:

وردت أسئلة من بعض المدن بخصوص مترشحين للمؤتمر الوطني وهم من عناصر النظام السابق او ممن كانوا من قيادات اللجان الثورية وكان التساؤل عن كيفية الطعن فى هؤلاء المترشحين . وعلية نفيدكم انه يوجد ممثل للهيئة العليا في كل محكمة ويمكن أيضاً إرسال الطعون والمعلومات مباشرة إلى هيئة النزاهة على البريد الالكتروني libyannazaha@gmail.com او رقم الهاتف 3616816-021 فاكس 3616818-021.




(6): NTC's Lack of Control

One can understand the difficulties faced, and no doubt the NTC always needs a helping hand and support from all Libyans; but the Libyans still do not understand why it is taking so long for this presumed "change" to ever take place, and why it is taking this long to restore the essential services and security to the country. The NTC asked for more time, and it did welcome the "criticism" as a healthy sign of democracy, while sympathetic Libyans acknowledged the NTC cannot control the "negative" side-effects of war and of the armed militias, but not being able to restore the essential services and functions required for "life" is something only themselves they have to blame.

Some analysts questioned if the organisation was "shortsighted" in its approach to lead the Libyans out of the "quagmire", since the critics say the security of Libya should have been well "thought out" before attempting such destruction of infrastructure and central authority. During the "stalemate" situation the Libya Contact Group met in Istanbul on the 15th of July 2011, allegedly to seek a political solution to end the "civil war" in Libya – even though it never was a civil war, the Libyans said. Reuters reported on the day before the meeting took place that "Among items to be discussed in Istanbul will be a recommendation by a British-led team planning post-conflict Libya for Gaddafi's security forces to be left intact after a rebel victory in order to avoid errors made after the Iraq war"

Did anyone take any notice (from both the Contact Group and the people not contacted) of the British team's recommendation? Was there really a "stalemate" situation that required a political solution? Was there a "political solution" to the (alleged) "civil war" in Libya? The NTC was keen to admit that it has a big problem to deal with, and that is how to disarm the heavily-armed Libyan population. Months after the capital Tripoli was captured, Reuters (reuters.com/article/us-libya-weapons-idUSTRE7A41YW20111105) reported that:

"At one massive bunker complex visited by Reuters at the weekend, thousands of rockets, mines, tank shells and even two Italian naval torpedoes lay in neat stacks ready for transport – with not a guard in sight . . . At another, larger ammo dump near Libya's second-largest city Benghazi, a single fighter stood guard over a tract of land dotted with bunkers stretching as far as the eye could see."

The UN too was keen to file a detailed report about the state of lawlessness and the widespread of human rights abuses that are taking place in (freed) Libya under the NTC, as well as about the spread of Libyan weapons across the whole region, without giving reasons as to why this had escaped its wise "attention" in the first place;  why it never provided a proven "exit strategy" from the start; and why it had ended its "protection of civilians" so soon while civilian homes were still being shelled.

  • "Making Progress in Libya: NTC must exercise authority and tackle militias" (politicsinspires.org/2012/03/libya-ntc-must-exercise-authority-and-tackle-militias).

  • The Struggle For Post Gaddafi Libya: by Jason Pack and Barak Barfi Policy, February 2012, The Washingtom Institute for Near East Policy.

  • Who is really controlling Libya? (aljazeera.com/programmes/insidestory/2012/01/20121279497910159.html).



(7): NTC's Lack of Transparency

Enjoying the newly-won "freedom of expression", the Arabs and the Berbers were protesting in various towns across Libya including Misrata, Zuwarah, Nafousa, Tripoli, Sebha and Benghazi against NTC's lack of transparency and lack of clear strategy. People say they were getting bored of "waiting", governments reshuffled, loyalists sacked, controversial laws & declarations, funds remained frozen for so long, talks of "civil war" echoed by the leaders themselves, and contradictions were more usual than common. For example, Moa'tasim was captured twice (the second time with his father), Saifalislam arrested three times, and Khamis ('The-Fifth') killed five times. But without a "body" one can never be sure, as Khamis was reported on the 25th of February 2012 to be still alive, with some Libyans saying somewhere around Regdalin. Saadi and Mohammad were also (said) to have been arrested on the 22nd of August 2011, but somehow Saadi still is in Niger and Mohammad lives in Algeria. When NTC's spokesman was asked by the media to explain one of these contradictions, he said "escaped" - presumably with some escaping more than once.

One of the biggest protests was in Benghazi on the 12th of December 2011, where tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets to express their "frustration" with  the way the NTC was handling the transition to justice and freedom. The dangerous slogans "agents of the enemy, the banks are empty" and "stealing the revolution" (and the subsequent "correcting the path of the revolution") clearly reflect the degree of anger and disappointment. On the following day the Guardian reported that protesters have set up a "tent camp" in Benghazi (in Maidan al-Shagara 'Tree Square'):

"We want to know who is the NTC," said Salwa Bugaighis, a Benghazi lawyer who quit the government earlier this year. "We want all the names." . . . Meetings are held in secret and voting records are not released. This lack of transparency is compounded by a log jam in many areas of government, from payment of salaries to rubbish collection and confusion over who has control of Libya's security forces."

However, according to the Arabic site of the NTC, and as of the 27th of January 2012, the introduction to the list of NTC members (see above menu) speaks only of 33 members, while the list itself (below that) contains 43 members – still leaving 5 missing. No one from Zuwarah is listed among the 43 (ntclibya.com/InnerPage.aspx?SSID=71&ParentID=37&LangID=2"). Around the 23rd of February 2012 a third list appeared in the organisation's third website (ntc.gov.ly/NTCMembers.aspx), which contained 76 members, including 11 from Tripoli, 7 from Benghazi, and one from Zuwarah.



(8): NTC Headquarters Attacked

On the 20th of January of Libya's first liberated year, 2012, protesters in Benghazi, including those who still in the "Tent Camp", broke their way into the headquarters of the National Transitional Government (NTG) in Benghazi (or the NTC). Smashing Abdul Jalil's parked Toyota Land Cruiser outside, the protesters threw "stones" at the headquarters, broke glass windows, and even threw a grenade, as they stormed the building  and demanded the resignation of the transitional "government". According to Reuters, "When Abdul Jalil . . . came out in an attempt to address the crowd, some protesters hurled empty plastic bottles at him, prompting security forces to fire tear gas." Reuters also said that one protester came out of the building carrying a set of loudspeakers and screaming: "Spoils of war!" However, according to english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/01/21/189534.html, the protesters also demanded "sharia law be the source of the North African country’s future constitution", even though Article (1) of the Constitutional Declaration says just that. Something somewhere rings the bell; and let us hope someone somewhere answers the door.



(9): Human Rights  Abuses, Torture & Persecution in NTC's Libya

Before the liberation day and during the war, reports began to leak out regarding human rights abuses committed by the rebels of new Libya (https://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/13/libya-opposition-forces-should-protect-civilians-and-hospitals). Amnesty International has also published a detailed report on May 2011 about human rights abuses in both Transitional Libya and Gaddafi's Libya (mde190252011en).

No doubt, it is neither fair nor right to criticise the National Transitional Council (the sole representative of the aspirations of the Libyan people) for actions committed by "others" including the rebels during the months of the war; and the NTC did condemn the unacceptable acts and urged all rebels to respect the law.

But shortly after the capture of Tripoli and the premature declaration of liberation, the NTC was widely criticised by various organisations including Amnesty and the UN itself for "failing" to bring the situation under control, and for the widespread human rights abuses "with impunity", displacement of Libyan communities as a result of persecution, arbitrary arrests, mass killings, looting, arms proliferations, and even "torture to death" in free Libya. Such atrocities, according to Amnesty, are "fuelling insecurity and hindering the rebuilding of state institutions".

MSF pulled its staff out of  Misrata's detention centres on Wednesday, after witnessing more than 100 cases of torture committed by the rebels against inmates. More disturbing, according to Reuters, MSF's "medical staff were being asked to patch up detainees mid-way through torture sessions so they could go back for more abuse," and that the Libyan Foreign Minister Ashour bin Khayyal told the agency (on the sidelines of an African Union summit in Addis Ababa) that: "Gaddafi's remnants committed actions that were an aggression to the revolution and to Libya and they will now receive the treatment they deserve."

Following the statement made by the aid agency Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) regarding the torture of detainees in Misrata by rebel forces, the NTC denied the claims and said it knew nothing about the torture, and that torture is not the policy of the National Transitional Council. The Libyans were indeed very pleased to hear that torture is not one of the policies of the NTC.

Giving the NTC the benefit of the doubt, one needs to come to terms with Amnesty International's reports, once more, as it has reported that officially recognised entities were indeed involved in the acts of torture:

"The torture is being carried out by officially recognized military and security entities as well by a multitude of armed militias operating outside any legal framework . . . Amnesty International said that while in some areas courts are reportedly processing civil cases, so-called “sensitive” cases related to security and political issues are not being addressed. Instead a range of mostly unofficial bodies, with no status in law, including so-called “judicial committees”, have been carrying out interrogations in various detention centres, outside the control of the judiciary." (amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/libya-deaths-detainees-amid-widespread-torture-2012-01-26).



(10): Torture To Death in Free Libya

In its recent report, "Libya: UN mission voices concern over detainee deaths resulting from torture", published on the 1st of May 2012 at (un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=41899&Cr=libya&Cr1=),

"The United Nations mission for Libya has expressed its concern to the country’s authorities over the recent deaths of three people in a detention centre in the north-western city of Misrata, saying it believes that the deaths may have resulted from torture. The detainees died on 13 April in the Zaroug detention centre, which is controlled by a committee under the supervision of the Ministry of Interior, the UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) said in a statement . . . UNSMIL said it has also taken note of the cases of at least seven other people who were tortured in the same detention facility. There have also been allegations of torture and ill-treatment of detainees held by armed brigades in other detention centres, particularly in the capital, Tripoli, and in the towns of Zawya, Zintan and Misrata. The mission also voiced concern over the reported existence of some secret detention facilities run by the “brigades” and where detainees are at risk of torture."

These so-called "secret detention facilities" were reported previously by some Libyans to the Prime Minister, via the PMO's official website, but it seems no one bothered to take the matter seriously, let alone further. Events were left to continue, one after another to this day. The arbitrary arrests, reminiscent of Gaddafi's revolutionary committees, were apparently executed by secret cells (not to be confused with 'mystery cells') that come out at night, the Libyans say, to terrorise free Libyans.

Their Western backers now say they were let down by the NTC, and even said they are "embarrassed" by the human rights abuses taking place under the authority of a government they earlier supported with military might. Such outcomes are predictable from the start, given the fact that the UN had failed to provide an exit strategy for post-Gaddafi Libya, and given the fact the UN had ended its military operations in Libya while wars were still going on across the country.

One would presume some kind of assistance is required to recover from the effected destruction of infrastructure, but unfortunately the Libyans were left to deal with the mess with no authority in sight, while taking the blame for everything in consequence. Before, it was the dictator's fault, they said; but after the dictator's grotesque death, it is now the people's fault, the leaders say.



(11): Financial Corruption

During the wars, most Libyans and the world's media were busy digging Gaddafi's financial files and the lavish life-style of his children. Today, officials are just as implicated in squandering Libya's wealth. Most Libyans know that while they were deprived of their own wealth, hundreds of millions of dinars went missing from the country's treasury, which the NTC said it cannot find because of bureaucracy.

"The new leadership did not know the size of state assets, how their money was being spent, or what had happened to more than $2 billion transferred from the sovereign wealth fund"

The "revolutionaries" were awarded 4000 Libyan dinars each, with many of them fraudulently claiming the same award several times (by registering their names and even other fictitious names in more than one list). Many more civilians and infiltrators had joined the rebel movement (after liberation was declared) apparently to claim the reward money. Each family (regardless of the number of individuals in the family) was given 2000 Libyan dinars; and each Libyan citizen was give a mere 200 Libyan dinars (about £100 - hardly enough to cover a good shopping for the week).

On the other hand, the self-appointed leaders speak of hundreds of millions disappearing before their eyes, with no one quite sure where the money went, while at the same time distancing themselves from the responsibility for the two thousand million US Dollars that disappeared, just like that. Local councils too were reported to have been involved in massive financial corruption and theft. Embassies across the world were also reported to have been involved. The "wounded" saga of the Ministry of Health is, perhaps, one of the biggest fraud scandals in Libyan history.

The way the borders were left open and unguarded has also resulted in massive cross-border trade in illegal commodities, such as weapons, drugs, alcohol, poisoned and outdated food, Tramadol, petrol, cars, and even trafficking in "human beings", all of which have further spread the infection of corruption to dearly transform the Libyan society in many ways. All in all, most Libyans agree that corruption now is far worse than ever before. The later government of the GNC said it had introduced the "Identification Number" to prevent fraudulent claims of salaries, where one Libyan was reported by officials to have been claiming more than 100 salaries (all for himself).




(12): NTC's Laws

The NTC was criticised from the start for issuing laws, decrees and press releases without any consultation with the Libyan people. The installed organisation gave itself the only legitimate right to represent the aspirations of the Libyan people, but in reality it gave itself the sole right to decide, legislate and implement whatever it sees right. Many of these laws, including the Constitutional Declaration and Law 37, came under sharp criticism from the Libyan people.

In June 2012, the "Libyan Revolutionaries Union", known as آثال , called for the NTC to stop issuing any further unnecessary laws until the new government is elected (almanaralink.com/press/2012/06/18751/مؤسسة-اتحاد-ثوار-ليبياآثال-تطالب-الم/). They have also stated that from the principle of transparency the NTC should not appoint any of its members, employees or relatives to any official position in the Libyan government, embassies or government firms and institutions; pointing out that the NTC's job was to lead the organisation of running the country during the vacuum created by the war, and not to govern the country itself according to their own ideals.

On the 27th of June 2012, the Defence Minister Osama Juwaili told Libyaherald that:

"The NTC are in the habit of issuing laws without first referring to the government or to experts. They are failing to consult with anybody”, he said. “These laws often conflict with the work of the government and restrict its powers”. The minister chose to cite again Law 11 as an example. “The NTC sent me a letter requesting us to develop a law to govern the operations of the defence ministry and the armed forces, and said we had just three days to do this. On the very same day, they passed Law 11 which did just that, so what was the point of asking me at all?” The NTC did not respond to repeated requests for comment on the minister’s criticisms." 
Libya Herald, article: /defence-minister-juwaili-launches-scathing-attack-on-ntc/

(13): Reports:

  • United Nations: a good example of the "change" referred to above is that while Gaddafi released all the "enemies of the revolution" and civil criminals from prison, their places were later occupied by thousands of the "enemies of the state", the dysfunctional state of New Libya. Read more about what the UN now says here.

  • Amnesty International Report Libya: human right abuses by both the imposed government of Gaddafi and the self-appointed TNC. Read Amnesty International Report (mde190252011en).

  • Amnesty International: for a list of the latest reports and updates about Libya and human rights abuses in Libya,
    please click here

  • The Forgotten Victims of Nato Strikes: Amnesty International has documented 55 named civilians, including 16 children and 14 women, who were killed in air-strikes in Tripoli (5), Zlitan (3), Majer (34) Sirte (9) and Brega (4). Twenty other civilians were reportedly killed in Brega (2), Surman (13) and Bani Walid (5). Read the full report here.

  • HRW: The Human Rights Watch Report: "is the most extensive examination to date of civilian casualties caused by NATO’s air campaign . . . The most serious incident occurred in the village of Majer, 160 kilometres east of Tripoli, the capital, on August 8, 2011, when NATO air strikes on two family compounds killed 34 civilians and wounded more than 30." Download the full report.

  • HRW: before the liberation day and during the war, reports began to leak out regarding human rights abuses committed by the rebels (https://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/13/libya-opposition-forces-should-protect-civilians-and-hospitals).

  • UN-authorised forces attack on Libyan Journalists: it was reported that some of the "acts" committed by the forces implementing the no-fly zone "may amount to crimes against humanity", when the forces bombed a number of civilian targets as listed in the above reports including the Libyan state TV al-Jamahiriya on July the 30th 2011, in which 3 journalists were killed and between 15 and 21 more were wounded . UN Security Council Resolution 1738 (2006) condemns acts of violence against peaceful journalists during conflict (en.rsf.org/libya-nato-attacks-on-national-tv-01-08-2011,40729.html ; natowatch.org/node/535).

  • Officially recognised entities involved in the acts of torture including "torture to death": amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/libya-deaths-detainees-amid-widespread-torture-2012-01-26).

  • World Report 2011: Human Rights of Tamazight Community. Download the full Human Rights Watch 2011 report about the state of Berbers in Libya.

  • Militias Threaten Hopes For New Libya: Amnesty International Report mde190022012en.

  • Write To Diplomatic Representatives of Libya In Your Country: Amnesty International Report mde190012012en:
    "Dear Ambassador, I am writing to express my concern about ongoing human rights violations committed by armed militias in Libya. I call on the Libyan authorities to rein in the armed militias, including to: Investigate and bring to justice militia members responsible for human rights abuses, including arbitrary detention, torture, extra-judicial executions, the forcible displacement of the Tawargha, the Mashashiya and other communities, and other human rights abuses; Take effective action to stop the repetition of such abuses; Ensure that communities displaced by militias, such as the Tawargha, are able to return home and are given adequate assistance to rebuild their lives, including compensation and assistance in reconstruction." Source: mde190012012en.

  • The Guardian: "Dozens of African migrants were left to die in the Mediterranean after a number of European military units apparently ignored their cries for help" (guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/08/nato-ship-libyan-migrants ).

  • The Guardian: "The European rapporteur charged with investigating the case of 63 African migrants who were "left to die" in the Mediterranean last year has warned those responsible could end up in court" (guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/29/migrant-boat-disaster-legal-action).





NTC logo

The Berbers Under NTC's Transitional Rule

Tifinagh at the headquarters of the NTC
Photo source: Reuters, via Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Tifinagh at the headquarters of the NTC in Benghazi, 20 August 2011.
Probably the first official use of Tifinagh in Libya as a political tool to manipulate the Berbers to fight for 'Justice'.
Except that the Berbers have been 'fighting' for a long time, and still are, without achieving what they desire: 'Equality'.


When the Berbers suddenly saw Tifinagh letters decorating one of the walls of the NTC's Headquarters in Benghazi, before which the transitional leaders delivered their historic press releases to the watching world, the Berbers thought the tyrannical era of identity denial was finally over; the adrenaline flowed to power the revolution against fear; and jubilations rose to the heavens with celebratory fire.

But then the short-lived lifeline came to a sudden end, when the very same Tifinagh letters disappeared from the wall after the war came to an end; followed by the second blow, delivered via the NTC's Constitutional Declaration, in which Arabic language was once more made the only official language in Libya. The Berbers' first instinct was "shock", and still shaken and disoriented from the effects of the devastating war, they sped to the capital and protested with banners of "marginalisation" and "shame".

In contrast to the staged media coverage they received when their favours were still needed during the war, the world this time went silent as it did before the war. The name "Amazigh" disappeared from the news, and it seemed the wheel of misfortune continues to spin around the same empty circle. This triggered more protests, debates, and dozens more of Facebook pages in which the Berbers expressed their outcry for being abandoned, "betrayed", and even felt being "used" to effect no more than regime change. The Berbers patiently still hope the unjust Constitutional Declaration is temporary and that the official one will be different from the previous ones, in some way.



Berbers say they are not a minority; but the proud natives of Libya and North Africa overall.


the Berbers' cultural flag


Berber February Uprising:

After the uprising started on the 15th of February 2011, the Berbers quickly joined the rebel movement, where Zuwarah and Nafousa Mountain together with Zawya and Misrata were among the first to enter into military confrontation with the Libyan government in the west, and later on were the first to enter and capture crucial Tripoli.

In a matter of few months a number of Berber initiatives, blogs and websites sprung up in Libya and abroad, to document what they thought was an "historic revolution". Lacking any government funding, home-made schools were created in Yefren and Jado to teach Berber language using Tifinagh; newsletters and publications in Tamazight were widely circulated without fear of persecution; and a radio and a TV station broadcasting from rebel-held areas in Nafousa Mountain hit the stagnant air.

The symbol of the Berbers' struggle for "free freedom" appeared together with the unofficial Berber flag on top of buildings, on car roofs, in websites, and carried by protesters and fighters alike in Zuwarah, Nafusa, Ubari, Misrata and Benghazi. The Zed also appeared on the "Golden Fist" inside Bab al-Aziziya Complex after it was entered by Berber and Arab rebels on the 23rd of August 2011.

These scenes may have now disappeared from memory and faded away from the latest news, but to the Berbers they were moments they will cherish for revolutions to come. Some Arab Libyans were baffled by the new flag seen waving in the air next to the "independence" flag (of the corrupt monarchy that refused to recognise the Berbers officially), with some accusing them of being "separatists", just as others had said before them. But the majority of Libyans welcomed the new Berber flag, the mere symbol of one's identity and culture, and they together got on with the job at hand - liberating Libya from tyranny and "collective punishment", often used by despots to oppress and suppress dissent, that never disappears!



The Name of Libya:

Gaddafi had introduced the word "Arab" to the official name of the country "Libya" and declared there were no ethnic communities living in Libya. In this sense he was right because the Berbers are the "natives of Libya" and not an ethnic minority. During the transitional period when the war was still going on, it was reported by Nafusa NTC members that the issue of the name came up  during one of the private meetings of the NTC. There are no official statements published regarding this particular issue, but some NTC members who attended the discussion said some Berber representatives walked out of  the meeting when the transitional council recommended the inclusion of the word "Arab" in the new name of Libya, saying this will not represent all the communities of Libya.

Eventually, it was said, they had agreed not to include the word "Arab" in the new name, and so regarding the matter of the name the Berbers have scored victory. Moreover, it emerged later that some members of the NTC had also opposed the inclusion of "Tamazight" in their Constitutional Declaration of August 2011, and regarding this matter the Berbers were defeated, just as they were before. Shortly after the premature liberation of Libya, Mr. Turbel attracted the attention of the Berbers, when he was reported to have made some "anti-Amazigh" remarks regarding the Berber protesters who took to the streets of Tripoli demanding constitutional recognition of identity - their own kind of indigenous events; as he was also said to have "verbally threatened members of the NTC who were calling for Tamazight to be given equal status to Arabic in the draft Libyan constitution."

The forbidden word Tamazight never made it to the Constitutional Declaration, and there was no mention of it nor of its alternatives (like 'Berber') in the liberation declaration, delivered by Advisor Abduljalil. 



NTC Recognises Minorities Rights (With a Twist): NTC's Visions of New Libya:

Right from the start of the National Transitional Council in Benghazi, the NTC declared that new Libya would be for all ethnic groups of the Libyan society, and promised "minorities" their full and equal rights, but without explicit mention of the forbidden appellation 'Berber'. 'The draft manifesto-vision included references to "minorities', 'ethnic groups', 'ethnicity' and the like, but it never specifically talked about the tabooed "Berbers".

The following is the first vision published by the NTC in its first website (ntclibya.org/arabic/vision-of-libya/). Then a second version of the vision was later published in its second website (ntclibya.com/InnerPage.aspx?SSID=60&ParentID=37&LangID=2). There was no explanation provided as to why a second version appeared in the website nor why some "sensitive changes" were made to the second version, such as the removal of the word "language". The reader can follow the above links which lead to the archived pages at https://web.archive.org/ .

The URL of the second version is now redirecting to: ntc.gov.ly/Default.aspx. To read a copy of the two versions please see the two saved copies below, or follow the provided links to archive.org. For example, the following red-coloured words in the first vision were removed from the second:

The first published copy:


فهي دولة تحترم حقوق الإنسان ومبادئ وقواعد المواطنة وحقوق الأقليات والفئات المستضعفة فالإنسان في ظل دولة المؤسسات والقانون ، مخلوق حر طليق يتمتع بكل ميزات المواطنة بغض النظر عن اللون أو الجنس أو اللغة أو الاعتقاد أو العرق أو الوضع الاجتماعي

Translation: "Libya is a country that respects human rights, the principles of nationality, the rights of minorities and the weak, and that a human under the law is a free "creature" enjoying all advantages of citizenship regardless of colour or race or language or belief or ethnicity or social status."

Download the full original copy of the first manifesto with the word "language" still present


The second altered copy:

"ولكل فرد التمتع بحقوق المواطنة الكاملة بغض النظر عن اللون أو الجنس أو العرق أو الوضع الاجتماعي." Translation: "Every individual has the right to enjoy the full rights of citizenship regardless of colour, race, ethnicity or social status."

Download the full original copy of the second manifesto with the word "language" removed

First of all, the use of the word "creature" by the NTC is somewhat philosophical. Secondly, the association of the word 'minorities' with the 'weak' is self expressive. The red-coloured word "language" (which in practice refers to Berber language more than anything else) was removed completely from the second version. The above Article of the Manifesto-Vision can in theory guarantee Tamazight ('Berber') and other Libyan languages: "the full advantages of citizenship", and thus "nationality", which in practice would make Berber language 100% equal to Arabic and thus its "implied" official recognition.

The "loophole" was closed shortly afterwards, by publishing the second version, which it later disappeared too; and to make sure it stays that way, the ensued Constitutional Declaration (CD) sealed the subject by denying the Berbers any mention, let alone official recognition.

One can only be sure of the intentions once the Constituition Committee publishes its official constitution some time after the elections of 7/7. However, the draft Constitutional Declaration, the Guardian says, seems to have been influenced by planning advice from the UN, the US and the UK (guardian.co.uk/)!

Other words and phrases that were also changed between the two versions include "belief" (also removed), and "الانغلاق الثقافي" ('cultural closure'), which was changed to "العزلة الثقافية" ('cultural isolation'), as if the Imazighen do seek isolation when they were openly calling for "inclusion" into the fabrics of the Libyan society. The following are the two versions of the vision:

Vision Version One:


رؤية أسس الديموقراطية فى ليبيا

  Source: ntclibya.org/arabic/vision-of-libya/

draft vision

draft vision

draft vision


Vision Version Two:


NTC vision second version

NTC vision version 2

NTC  vision version 2





Tamazight As An Official Language & The Constitutional Declaration:

The TNC's "Constitutional Declaration" openly denies the official status of Berber Language. It does however grant Berber language a "national status". The NTC had announced on the 3rd of August 2011 a 37-point interim "Constitutional Declaration" to provide a framework for the transition to an elected government, and to call for a constitutional assembly within eight months. Article 01 includes that little illusive phrase "power in the hands of people".

So, what does this new "Constitutional Declaration" say?

Here is an actual copy of Article 01:

NTC constitutional declaration article 1


"Libya is an independent and democratic country, in it people are the source of power, its capital is Tripoli, its religion is Islam, Islamic Sharia is its primary source of legislation, and the country pledges the freedom to practice religious ceremonies for non-Muslims, and its official language is the Arabic language, and the country Libya guarantees the cultural rights for all the components of the Libyan society and their languages are considered national languages."

First of all it appears that Article (6) of the Constitutional Declaration violates the Constitutional Declaration itself by declaring all Libyans are "equal" regardless of "language", while at the same time Article (1) declares "Arabic" the only official language in Libya.

Reading through these words one senses the article was drafted to please the minorities of Libya, rather than give them their full constitutional rights and acknowledge them equally as one of the official peoples of Libya - of revolutionary Libya. It says "they" can "practice" their cultural rights, but what about recognising them first as "human beings" who have their own identity, not "creatures", which both Gaddafi and Algeria attempted in vain to Arabise?

Why cannot both languages be equal and equally recognised in New Democratic Libya? Why cannot we all live equally happy thereafter, regardless of language or colour, just as they say? The NTC recently, speaking to its European partners, said Libya will be a model of democracy in the whole region and that its democracy will be similar to the kind of democracy that exists in Europe. However, one cannot resist the temptation to ask: how many kinds of democracies are there out there?  As far as most people know, there is only one democracy: 'people's government'. New Libya should be 100% democratic and its government should represent all the people of Libya. All Libyans, including their leaders, should put their differences aside and work together for free and democratic Libya that is fully inclusive of all Libyans. 

But downgrading a language to a national status indicates the language is not indigenous to that country, as in nationalising a foreign company, or, as one Berber recently commented, foreigners who had acquired Libyan "nationality" in recent years cannot be compared to Berbers who had been in Libya for thousands of years. This means that nationalising something or someone usually indicates the foreign nature of that something or someone. Fair enough; "but they are not aliens", the Berbers say.

In principle therefore speaking of minorities rights and protection of minorities makes the Berbers feel alien in their own home and more so feel like "creatures" living in a "conservation camp", where tourists can flock in to have a glimpse at the fast-dying clan. Minorities all over the world, basically, are humans, dignified humans at that, and they should have full human rights including the right to self govern as stated by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, "if they choose so".

The Imazighen of Libya, and of North Africa, do not seek the "right" to use or "practice" their language, and they are well capable of protecting themselves and their language(s), as they did for tens of thousands of years. But what they are foremost campaigning for is the constitutional recognition of their "Identity", which naturally includes the recognition of their Berber language Tamazight as one of the official languages of Libya. Thus, Imazighen reject the term "minority" and instead demand from the NTC to recognise them as "people", as "Libyan people", and as "the native people of Libya". What sort of norms that call the "majority" Moroccan Berbers "minority" in their own home?

In addition to the fact that the Berbers in Libya will certainly not be able to reach the majority required to win anything (democratically), Fathi Salem Abu Zakhar, an organiser of the Amazigh conference in Tripoli, says "Language rights are not a matter that is subject to a vote . . . We want the government, and the coming government, to grasp that the language is part of the Libyan equation" (uk.reuters.com/article/2011/09/26/uk-libya-berber-language-idUKTRE78P4RJ20110926).

If unprotected constitutionally a language may eventually die. On average, one language goes extinct every week in this modern age, often because of governments' open neglect. Libyans need to be clear about one thing: there are so many countries in the world which have a number of official languages without these countries being divided nor ruled by imperial powers. Democratic countries usually declare a number of languages as official languages, like in India where 23 languages are listed as official languages in the constitution. While dictatorial countries usually dictate one language (always the ruling language) and downgrade all others (often the indigenous languages). And there are countries that do not list any official language at all, probably to avoid the issue in a different way.



Open Letter From The Libyan Amazigh Congress To The NTC:

the Libyan Berber Congress (ALT: Agraw Alibi n Tmazight) wrote an open letter to the chairman and members of the National Transitional Council (NTC) and to the Executive Board on the 17th of September 2011, praising the struggle of the Libyan people for freedom and calling for the official recognition of Tamazight Rights.

The letter, titled (حول استحقاقات الحق الامازيغي في ليبيا : on the merits of the Berber right in Libya), contained a 14-point declaration outlining:

  • the current sufferings of the Berber communities which threaten their physical existence and aim to Arabise their identity;
  • the Berbers' resistance to the tyranny of the old regime and hence were among the first to rise up during the February Uprising;
  • the unity of the Libyan people regardless of race, language, religion or colour; the need to rewrite Libyan history away from "racism" and "personal gains", as most of the injustices suffered by the Berbers were due to "an upside-down reading of history";
  • the importance of the Berber issue as a national issue for all Libyans and especially so for those who speak Tamazight ('Berber language');
  • individual and group rights are basic human rights and not "gifts" that can be granted;
  • the Berbers' rights include cultural, linguistic, religious, political, legal, administrative, developmental, educational, and media rights;
  • the recognition by all Libyans that the time for justice has come, at a great price of sacrifice;
  • the constitutionalisation and nationalisation of the Berbers' rights is a primary demand the Berbers cannot let go and will not bargain;
  • The Berbers' rights shall not be grouped with terms like "minorities" or "majorities" as these rights are a fundamental part of any human society;
  • the Berbers' rights are rights of the Libyan people as a whole, since there are no Libyan Arabs or Berbers, but  all there-is  is (one) Libyan people who came to speak a number of languages;
  • mature leadership and recognition of the Berbers' rights is essential to the stability of Libya, as pitfalls can yield severe repercussions and therefore curtailing the freedom of expression ought not be confused with respect and peaceful life with dignity and cooperation.




"Sensitive Files"

The usual "Foreign Agenda" is back on the menu.



First of all, Libya needs peace and all Libyans need to know that only peace can defeat war. In theory, the NTC did welcome the protesters' cries for transparency, published policies and equal representation in the transitional government. But in practice, whenever protesters take to the streets they were labeled by all sorts of names, including sleeper cells, agents to sabotage the revolution, enemies of the state, and of course the historic "agents of foreign agendas" (all of which were used by various despots to suppress the voices of their own people, without addressing the issue instead). Tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Benghazi, whom we all know are not Berbers, demanding transparency and clear policy from the NTC among other revolutionary "things".

Berber protesters said that during the revolution they were rightly hailed "revolutionaries" and "lions of Nafousa", but now they were sent back to being agents of foreign agendas. Why this sudden and sad change when the people remained the same and still are shaken, disoriented, and healing their deepest wounds? Was it that difficult for the leaders to be merciful with words and approach the issue with honesty and talk about the source of all the misunderstanding: talk about why not officialise "Tamazight"? The Berbers would be very happy to hear the government talk about these issues, in the open. But instead the usual denial and silence dominates the scene.

All Libyans need to know that the Berbers fully support the NTC and what they said it represents, as they have always called for justice, freedom, dignity and loving peace. The NTC must rest assured that the Berbers took a leading role in the revolution and that they will continue supporting the revolution for "dignity" and "freedom"; but this must not be confused with revolution for "integration", "disappearance" and "inclusion".

Mr. Abdel Jalil in the above interview does not provide any evidence for the alleged foreign link between the "foreign powers" (presumably the same as the foreign powers that assisted the NTC to power) and the "Berber activists" (who have been peacefully demanding no more than their basic human rights). Where is the evidence for this foreign agenda?

Nonetheless, the honourable leader did make the inflammatory and unnecessary comments, which everyone agrees serve no "positive" purpose. He starts by telling his Berber brothers and protesters that "in Libya we have three authorities: judicial, legislative and executive, and that the highest judicial post was given to the Amazigh". This is a reference to the appointment of judge Kamal Dehan, a Berber from Zuwarah, as the Supreme Judge in Libya.

Secondly, Mr. Abdel Jalil, likewise Prime Minister el-Keib, so far has managed to avoid speaking about the issue of constitutionalising Tamazight "identity" and "language" as the primary cause of the protests, and instead easily criticised the ministerial demands of the Berber protesters as "euphoric reactions" deviated from "the path" and activated by "foreign political agenda" from outside Libya.  It would have been more reasonable and responsible if the NTC came out, met the people, and exercised the benefits of democracy by explaining to people the issues at hand. Cannot we talk first before we start arguing? Aren't we supposed to walk before we run?

Of course, there is always the possibility of misunderstanding, since the definition principle implies "Arab Revolution" from the Arab perspective; the Berbers should not have a perspective of their own, and should not have an identity of their own; and hence they should integrate, he says - presumably integration into another's freedom. A kind of sub-freedom expected from the "good Berbers", whom Abdul Jalil says are "his friends". But those Berbers who speak of unconditional freedom (which his ethnic group fully enjoy with the aid of foreign powers) must "disappear", he says. He also said they had meetings with "intelligent Berbers" over the Berbers' rights and that only time will show the services "will be" provided for them in the future; but those who are (presumably) manipulated by foreign agendas have left the meeting room, and those too he says have "his amnesty".

This means that the Berbers now have been divided into two classes of Berbers: "intelligent Berbers" (who will be rewarded later); and "foreign agents" (who must "disappear") - not an intelligent catalyst to restore peace to a war-torn society. Why cannot the honourable Leader tell his people right now what services will be provided later to the good Berbers ? Why has no one so far from the NTC had the courage to address the issue of "constitutionalising Tamazight" in the open?

The NTC leader also advised the Berbers to avoid "seclusion", despite their exclusion by his draft constitution, and despite the Berbers' main demand being inclusion in the first place. Why take things out of proportion at this volatile stage, honourable leaders, when simple recognition of identity is the "magic word"? All Berbers are strongly urged to remain united with their Arab and Tebu brothers and sisters, as they have always been, and resist all attempts to divide. Libya must stay united for freedom and justice (for all Libyans, equally). They must do this peacefully and only through "diligent dialogue".






El-Keib Speaks to Libya TV (05/12/2011).

El-Keib Speaks About The Marginalisation of The Berbers & Admits "Misunderstanding":

In the above video the interim Libyan Prime Minister Andulrahim el-Keib was asked to share his views about the sensitive issues of the Berbers, "marginalisation", "and so on". The following are the main points touched in relation to the "appointment of ministers" and the "foreign agenda" saga. He starts by saying he has Berber friends from Zuwarah and Nafusa. Those who speak the language of the "Amazighiya" are part of the Libyan people, he adds, and that he remembers Albarouni, Yahya Mammer and other martyrs from the Berber Mountain.

He then continues by admitting there was "misunderstanding", which he says was due to lack of time, but never was "intentional", and despite his respect to those "who say what they say" he is not one of those who would support "marginalisation".  Regarding his refusal to attend the Berber Festival in Kabaw (in Nafusa Mountain), he said  he did not go because the methods used [by the Berber protesters] were "exaggerated" and were "expressed in a way he never saw before".

He also thanked those "who stood with them" - a kind of confusing signal since it could imply that there are those who "stand" against them - not to say anything of those who "stood up" for themselves, for their constitutional rights and for equal recognition by the law.

As for "foreign agendas intervening in Libya's affairs", he replied by stating that "expression should be civilised", and he would rather not comment on the issue, but there are some people who were protesting outside his office but "he does not know who they were". Well, they are persecuted Berbers.

Apart from that, he made no statements regarding the constitutionalisation of Tamazight, the officialisation of the Berber identity, or about any of the important issues the Berbers had protested about, except the appointment of ministers in his temporary government, often used to divert attention from the true demands of the Berber communities across the region. Silence is one of the tools of marginalisation.

When will the time come for the leaders to speak about the issue of "constitutionalisation" and "officialisation" of both Berber identity and language? The people are ready to listen, and they protest to listen, but the leaders so far refuse to say what the people would like to hear.




World Amazigh Congress Criticises The NTC For Failing To Pay Attention To The Berbers' Persecution:

When Fathi Ben Khlifa, president of the Amazigh World Congress, was asked about "his position" in relation to the NTC, he replied saying that his view of the NTC was "positive" right down to the liberation of Tripoli, but after liberation people were supposed to stand united and elect a new council, in order to establish legitimacy before dialogue begins. His opinion, he said, was not welcomed by many. It is illogical, he adds, to exploit the crisis to impose "ourselves on our people" as the only option. The conduct of the majority members of the NTC was illegitimate and wrong, he says, indicating either "misunderstanding" or "ill-intention".

He also pointed out that no one has the right to accuse the Libyans of being unable to lead themselves, just to jump in the power chair. The constitutional declaration, election law, transitional government and the national army are all illegitimate, void and would lead to problems, the president said. According to his view the NTC is a "temporary council" and not a "transitional government", and hence their inability to bring stability to the country. Is it reasonable for some current members who run the country not to have even "primary" or "secondary" education, he asked? In relation to the Constitutional Declaration he says it is not "just", does not serve equality, and even attacks the existence of the Berbers.


libyan amazigh congress logo


In one of his most recent interviews, Ben Khlifa clarifies some of the issues and accusations regarding the Congress, including "Foreign Agenda", "Arab Spring", "Federalism" and "who is funding the Congress".


To be fairer to the truth, the Amazigh World Congress can also be considered as an illegitimate organisation simply because it was setup privately by a group of Berberists without any consultation with the Berber people of North Africa. The members and the president of the congress were not elected by the Berber people, and therefore all declarations and statements made by the congress and its president are in no way should be taken as representative of the Berber people.

This means that when the president of the congress declares that the Berbers of Libya should hand over their weapons only to a legitimate body officially recognised to collect weapons from the Libyan people, he is only stating his "personal opinion", since no one knows what the majority of the Berbers feel regarding this issue. But unfortunately this distinction was never made.

The Berbers of Libya are urged to stop fighting their Libyan brothers and sisters no matter what. If they have an issue with the NTC then they need to take up the issue with the NTC. Libya is now officially declared liberated, and fighting Gaddafi's loyalists, or others, should be carried out in coordination with the NTC and the Libyan Army.

The Berbers of Libya need to organise themselves and work with the government and help achieve their demands as well as help restore peace to our beloved Libya via peaceful means. Final decisions must await the publication of the final Constitution.

Having said this, this does not mean that one is afraid of revolution, whatever the term nowadays means, but all it means is that the leaders need to be realistic in their approach to resolve, and work towards achieving "solutions" instead of "isolation", inclusion instead of exclusion, and winning friends instead of making more enemies.

One needs to lead by example, since confrontation can only lead to further destruction; and even then being a minority one finds it hard to imagine how victory can ever be achieved in a battle that could only lead to "civil war". One would think it is best for everyone if the leaders instead focus on initiating diplomacy with the governments in question to secure the rights they claim they campaign for - after all that is exactly what skilled politicians ought to do: employ diplomatic and diligent dialogue.

The Berbers wherever they are must remember that only peace and science can lead forward. The Berbers must understand the current turmoil in its regional context to the best of their common interest - the stability and prosperity of their future. They need to open their eyes and avoid the lurking consequences of war.



NTC's Justice Minister, Mohammed Alallagi, assures the Berbers their "constitutional rights", 55 days after the unjust Constitutional Declaration was imposed on the Libyan people.




libyan history according to the NTC

The history of Libya according to the website of the NTC
showing what the NTC called "Arab invasions" of Libya (الغزوات العربية) that took place in 647 AD.
See original at archive.org